236. THE MAKING OF BANGSA MALAYSIA
236.
Panel Title : THE MAKING OF BANGSA MALAYSIA
Institution : Perdana Leadership Foundation, Malaysia
Chair : Mohamed Mustafa Ishak
Convener : Mustapa Kassim
Panel Abstract :
The notion of Bangsa Malaysia introduced by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad in 1991 as part of his Vision 2020 was aimed at bringing greater national integration among the various ethnic groups within the country. The concept as put forward by Dr. Mahathir was however not spelt out in very explicit and clear terms. Moreover, whatever that was espoused by Dr. Mahathir was not totally accepted by various groups. Professor Madya Dr. Mohamed Mustafa Ishak in his paper entitled ‘Bangsa Malaysia and the Vision 2020' will try to resolve the conceptual contradictions arising out of this controversy. He will also touch on the reality of the situation on the ground where ethnic integration is yet to be achieved. Prof. Madya Dr. Ariffin Omar in his paper entitled ‘The Evolution of The Notion of Bangsa Malaysia' will attempt to highlight the pitfalls in attempting to create an all embracing national identity historically. In his paper ‘The Nation State and the Concept of Bangsa Malaysia', Prof. Ranjit Singh will endeavour to examine whether and to what extent the concept of Bangsa Malaysia correlates to the requirements and features of a modem nation state. Dr. K. Nadaraja in his paper ‘Bangsa Malaysia: Its Political Realities', attempts to explore some of the fault lines in the existing social and political structures which act as hindrances and obstacles in the materialization of this ideal.
Participants :
Mohamed Mustafa Ishak
Paper Title : Bangsa Malaysia and Vision 2020
Abstract :
For Malaysia, nation-building and national unity remains a basic national agenda yet to be fully resolved. The notion of ‘Bangsa Malaysia' introduced by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad in 1991, as part of the package in his Vision 2020 project, was aimed to resolve the issue. The question to be answered then is; could the notion of Bangsa Malaysia provide the much needed solution to the problem of national unity in Malaysia? Is the meaning of the concept clear to all Malaysians or does the notion and its meaning further complicate the matter, thus inviting a new debate and controversy on the issue? This paper attempts to examine the notion of Bangsa Malaysia as envisaged by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. His vision needs to be cross-examined with that of the people in an attempt to establish the level of similarities and contradictions between them. It is argued that whilst Vision 2020 may provide a clear economic blue-print to transform the country into a developed state, it is still far from providing an adequate solution to the problems of national unity in the country. It is argued therefore that, despite the relatively stable political and economic climate in Malaysia, the country is still grappling with the potent interplay between the forces of ethnicity and nationalism within its polity. This has resulted in the creation of a competing ethnic ideology of nationhood across and within the major ethnic communities that has and would continue to make nation-building a very difficult challenge for the country.
Ariffin Omar
Paper Title : The Evolution of the Nation of the Bangsa Malaysia
Anstract :
The idea of a nation-state with a population of diverse ethnic origins sharing a common vision, values and political goals only came into focus after the ending of the Second World War in Malaya. Ironically it was the British with their attempt to introduce the Malayan Union in 1946 that prompted Malays, Chinese and Indians to ponder what should be the basis of the then Malayan state. Malays living under their various kerajaans had no idea of a modern nation state while a significant number of Chinese and Indians still directed their loyalties to their countries of origin. In attempting to foist their Malayan Union plan upon Malaya, the British were in effect attempting to create a new bangsa that will be known as a Malayan bangsa. The still prevalent view is that the creation of this new ban gsa was opposed only by the Malays while non-Malays were amenable to it. Such was not the case as non-Malays were cool to the idea as their loyalties were directed elsewhere even though they were demanding equal political and social right with the Malays.Since Malay opposition was so united the British had to jettison the Malayan Union scheme. However a group of Malays in the Pusat Tenaga Rakyat, the Malay Nationalist Party together with some Chinese in the All Malaya Council for Joint Action had proposed the acceptance of a Peoples' Constitution in which Melayu will become the nationality for all the domicile races in Malaya. Unfortunately, the United Malays National Organization, the British and the Malay Sultans rejected such a proposal for reasons of their own and also political expedience made it unwise to accept such a radical idea at that point in time. Thus, in place of the Malayan Union, the British with the agreement of UMNO as well as the Malay sultans introduced the Persekutuan Tanah Melayu. This new creation cannot be accepted as a nation state because there were no shared political values or ideals. It was a mere political arrangement that suited British interests as well as certain Malaya political interests. Not surprisingly, this political entity though viewed a state could only offer some of its inhabitants citizenship without nationality. It was only when independence became distinct possibility that the idea of a Malayan nationality was contemplated by the political elite. However, it was unlikely that this all embracing Malayan nationality was an idea that was understood or shared among the various ethnic communities in Malaya since race based political parties Were dominant in Malaya right up to independence. It is a tragedy that even before the idea of a Malayan nationality could take root among the various communities, the idea of a forming a new political entity known as Malaysia was suggested. It is unlikely that the various ethnic communities were ever consulted or even prepared for the emergence of this new political entity much less come to terms with a new nationality i.e. Malaysian.
Thus the dilemma facing the citizens of Malaysia today is that whether a Bangsa Malaysia is already in existence or is it still in its infancy?
D.S Ranjit
Paper Title : The Nation-State and the Concept of Bangsa Malaysia
Anstract :
The focus of this paper will be to explore whether and to what extent the controversial concept of Bangsa Malaysia, an idea floated by the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohammad, to bring about communal integration, would fulfill the requirements of a modern nation-state. The attributes, characteristics, and prerequisites of a full-fledged nation-state are the result of a continuous process of evolution which started in the sixteenth century and is still continuing today. The Peace of Westphalia, 1648, legitimized such new ideas as the concept of the territorial state, the supremacy of state sovereignty and the sovereign equality of states. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, "divine right" monarchs consolidated centralization process. From the 19th to the 21st centuries the concept went on to embrace more dynamic forces and processes such as nationalism, which led to either unification of states or partition and disintegration of empires. In addition, the forces of liberalism, democratization and the demands for popular government drastically changed the concept of the modern nation-state. In Asia and Africa the concept took the form of the fight for independence from colonial masters and in current times, ethnic nationalism has come to the forefront. In the case of Southeast Asia, the newly born states in the region are thus the result of the processes of national independence movements as well as that of decolonization. To a large extent and in most cases the new born "nationstates" of Southeast Asia were a product of the colonial construct. In many cases, such as in Malaysia, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines, there was therefore no neat fit where one nation formed one state, or one state equated one nation. In fact, the Southeast states inherited polities made up of diverse ethnic groups, religions, cultures and geographical regions marked by separate and often divergent identities, royalties and nationalisms. In many cases the format was multiple nations in one state (Burma, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and Philippines), or the reverse, where one nation was split into many states (Malays). Thus governments in power, having inherited imagined communities, were faced with the daunting task of merging these multiple nations into one nation, and that one nation into the political apparatus of the inherited territorial state, so that ultimately an integrated unified nation-state was forged. Thus, one of the biggest and most difficult tasks that the states of Southeast Asia have been facing since independence has been the ongoing search for formulas for viable national political systems to convert imagined societies into ideal modern nation-states, a task which is far from complete. It is in this context that this paper attempts to evaluate and examine how far the Malysian experiment has been successful in moving towards the ideal perception of a nation-state, and how or whether Mahathir's Bangsa Malaysia is in tune with such ideal, and consequently whether we need to move even further.
K. Nadaraja
Paper Title : Bangsa Malaysia: Its Political Realities
Abstract :
Bangsa Malaysia as envisaged by the former Prime Minister of Malaysia Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohammed is a commendable idea but in the context of the Malaysian society and the nature of the political system currently in practice the viability of such an idea raises several questions. The existing social and political structure of the country may not be conducive towards achieving the objectives of a true Bangsa Malaysia. This paper attempts to explore some of the, obstacles in the existing social and political structures of the country in advancing the notion of Bangsa Malaysia. The multiracial nature of the Malaysian society with the Malays as the bumiputeras or natives of the country and the descendents of the immigrant races, the Chinese and Indians as the major minority groups with divergent interest poses problems towards achieving an equal society. The problem is further aggravated with each group well-entrenched in its own culture, religion and language. Another problem is that from th1e beginning the communal nature of the political system has necessitated politics of compromise. It was on British insistence that political compromise became a prerequisite for the granting of independence to Malaya. This compromise has been given legality and has been enshrined in the Malaysian Constitution. While the notion of Bangsa Malaysia may provide some hope to the non-Malays as equals with the bumiputeras, wil1 the burniputeras accept this idea? The formation of the Alliance in the mid fifties made up of UMNO, the MCA and the MIC was again a product of compromise without which a democratic government could not have been possibly formed. The May 13 Riots of 1969 created a deep cleavage in the relations between the races and caused animosity. The New Economic Policy, which followed, while attempting to redress the economic and social inequalities in society further alienated certain minority groups. Education has always been a contentious issue in forging a Bangsa Malaysia. While it is the government's aim in uniting the various races through national schools, the Chinese and Indian communities have always entertained apprehensions, rightly or wrongly that this would lead to the end of the Chinese and Tamil schools and ultimately their culture. Political parties irrespective of whether they are component parties of the Barisan Nasional or the opposition are generally race based and appeal to their own kind for support. This again poses a great obstacle in promoting a true Bangsa Malaysia.
Sue Valquis Mashhor
Paper Title : BANGSA MALAYSIA AND THE VALUE SYSTEM
Abstract :
Malaysia is multiethnic and multicultural. Nation-building is needed to enhance the unity of the Malaysian. Values are relative. One man's meat is another man's poison. To further develop its society Malaysia needs to identify and uphold certain values. Rukun Negara or National principles were formulated to instill into the people the basic elements of unity and justice. The Seventh Malaysia Plan emphasizes on values for development. The government wants the people to adopt positive values and attitudes towards work and life and take efforts to make Malaysia a united, just, stable and progressive country. The need to achieve national unity requires Malaysia to uphold national interests above ethnic and communal interests. Over concern for sectional and parochial interests will be detrimental to the long-term interest of the nation. There is need to maintain stability and this is the concern of all Malaysian. Malaysian needs to keep their racial and religious differences to the minimum. This paper will look into the values of moderation, tolerance and appreciation of the sensitivities of ethnics which are crucial in the building of a united, just, stable and progressive Malaysian nation.
R. Sivaperegasam P. Rajanthiran
Paper Title : Bangsa Malaysia vis-a-vis Ketuanan Melayu
Abstract :
In 1995, former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad defined Bangsa Malaysia as "people being able to identify themselves with the country, speak Bahasa Malaysia and accept the Constitution". However, there has been allegation that Bangsa Malaysia was a "nebulous concept" which overstepped the bounds of the Constitution, and hence "even if the term Bangsa Malaysia is to be used, it must only be applied in the context of all the peoples of Malaysia with the Malays as the pivotal race." Bangsa Malaysia is rejected because it threatened Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy or Malay dominance). Therefore, the issue to be discussed here is whether rejecting Bangsa Malaysia is in itself unconstitutional because it rejects political equality accorded to all Malaysian citizenry under Article 8? The other issue raised is whether the Bangsa Malaysia concept is only the state of an individual's mind and had nothing to do with the Constitution or national policies and hence does not infringe on Malay special rights and privileges, as disclosed by the Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak in 2006. The central issue that revolves in this paper is to determine to what extent is Ketuanan Melayu vis-à-vis Bangsa Malaysia, an obstacle towards the dynamic establishment and accomplishment of Bangsa Malaysia. Although the idea of Ketuanan Melayu itself predates Malaysian independence, this phrase did not come into vogue until the early 2000s and is particularly referenced by those from UMNO which is the most influential political party in Malaysia. By emphasizing Ketuanan Melayu, UMNO is said to be responsible in discriminating Malaysians and classifying them as first-class and second-class citizens. Under the circumstances this paper seeks to explore the very existence of the concept of Bangsa Malaysia vis-a-vis Ketuanan Melayu.
