223. FOREIGN POLICY ISSUES IN ASIA (PANEL II)
223.
Panel Title : FOREIGN POLICY ISSUES IN ASIA (PANEL II)
Chair : Joefe B. Santarita
Panel Abstract :
Some quandaries of the past and the related constructive efforts of nation-building in Asia still haunt the recent conduct of foreign policies in this region. The dynamisms and tensions of the national and foreign relations partly rooted on this historical baggage, either diplomatic, institutional/societal as well as geographical/territorial concerns, in some parts of Asia such as China, India and the Philippines are vividly highlighted in this session. At this conjuncture, it is imperative to situate the importance of a particular entity to its specific condition, institution and/or location and subsequently maximize its potentials towards holistic advancement.
Participants :
Johan Ove Lagerkvist
Paper Title : Chinese Nationalism(s) and the "Peaceful Rice" of the PRC
Abstract :
In April and May 2005 China's government allowed university students to take to the streets and protest against new editions of Japanese schoolbooks, which was perceived as glossing over Japan's wartime atrocities across East and Southeast Asia during WWII. On the second day after huge street demonstrations surged through downtown Shanghai, the following exhortation could be read on the notice board of street committees around the city:The masses must believe that the Party and the government are capable to deal with Sino-Japanese relations from the fundamental and long-term national interest. Admonishing the Chinese population to trust the government's foreign policy illustrate one of the biggest and gravest dilemmas of contemporary Chinese statecraft. State nationalism shall hold the different ethnic nationalities together, bridge socioeconomic divides and shore up legitimacy for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This must be achieved, however, without risking continued economic growth and the stability and security of South and Northeast Asia. As the PRC integrates more with multilateral organizations such as the World Trade Organization, the Chinese government has an interest in acting responsibly and forcefully against assertive nationalistic sentiments. In order to soften the image of China abroad, since the beginning of the 21st century Chinese leaders and diplomats have launched a "soft power" offensive centered on the thinking about China's peaceful rise. Nevertheless, at times the Chinese government continues to mobilize nationalist passions. It may concern issues related to Taiwan, Japan's militarist past and perceived neglects to seriously repent war crimes, and the risk of American containment of China. This paper argues that Chinese state nationalism is a dangerous game as it may feed more aggressive nationalism with unforeseeable consequences. Previous research has argued that the balance between state nationalism and popular nationalism changed with the latter influencing the former to a greater extent than in the past. It is precisely because of this change of balance that the party-state, as is clear from the abovementioned citation, must convince the populace about the "correct" mix of nationalism and realpolitik. Thus, whilst state nationalism and popular nationalism share the common goal to make China strong, prosperous, and respected by the world, tensions between these two nationalisms are clearly manifest. The purpose of this paper is to put these tensions into context, with a particular focus on the 2005 street demonstrations in Shanghai and Beijing against Japan and local Japanese businesses and restaurants. These demonstrations illuminate the possibility of the rise of "the smart mob" in a country with an authoritarian polity. As Howard Rheingold has argued, control and mobilization over public opinion has become more difficult due to the dissemination of increasingly cheaper and faster communications technology, which has created the conditions for the rise of "the smart mob." Examples of the smart mob are social and political groupings that make use of new information and communications technology to organize protests. For this paper I will draw on in-depth interviews with Chinese journalists who covered these events, readings of popular blogs and Internet chat room comments made during April and May 2005.
Joefe B. Santarita
Paper Title : A Spot in the Splotch: Situating the Philippines in India's Look East Diplomatic
Radar
Abstract :
The special vinculums between India and the Philippines started as early as the beginning of the Christian era. Such contact was supported by archeological evidences such as coinage of Indian origin going back to 1800 years which have been found in the Philippines. Sanskrit words are found in abundance in the local languages and Ramayana is still a popular play in some parts of the country which indicate deep cultural and linguistic ties in the country. With India's emergence as a promising super power in the region and its competitive attitude towards China, the Philippines cannot afford to just remain a simple spot in the splotch of diplomatic arena. It needs to actively assess its bilateral ties with India and situate her importance in the conduct of India's Look East Policy in Southeast Asia. Specifically, this study aims to (1) determine the early bilateral ties between India and the Philippines and its cost benefits to both parties, (2) assess the status/significance of the Philippines to India in terms of its various bilateral cooperation under the Look East Policy, (3) identify the growing diversity of the current Indo-Philippine relations (political, strategic, defense, commercial and cultural), and (4) explore the Philippines' initiative/s in reciprocating actively India's diplomatic innovation. The study primarily made use of the available officials and non-traditional sources of literature/documents pertaining to the bilateral relations between the Philippines and India. Moreover, interviews among key informants such as the heads/officer-in charge of various agencies/departments (e.g. defense, trade and industry, science and technology, foreign affairs, tourism and education) both in the Philippines and India will be conducted. Focus group discussions among the selected members of Indian economic communities in the Philippines will be pursued to enrich the research process.
Ulises Granados
Paper Title : Ocean Frontier Expansion and the Kalayaan Islands Group Claim: Philippines'
Early Postwar Pragmatism in the South China Sea
Abstract :
At the end of the Pacific War, the Philippines jointed into the group of countries claiming a group of islands in the southern sector of the South China Sea, known in most cartography as the Spratly Islands. Since 1946, the young Philippine claim advanced through peculiar stages, starting when the national Thomas Cloma allegedly discovered islands later named as Freedomland, and maturing to some extent in 1978 by the government's claim over the so-called Kalayaan Island Group. Considered as an oceanic expansion of its frontiers denounced by neighboring countries as a result of pragmatic decisions profiting from regional conditions at specific years, this paper reviews the basis of the Philippine claim as depicted in its historical narrative, mainly regarding Thomas Cloma's actions for the period 1946-1956, to be followed by an analysis of how Manila has dealt with this issue. This paper only inquires into the origin and bases of the Philippine claim during the first ten postwar years, with three questions leading this research. First, what was the nature of Cloma's activities in the area until around 1956 when he raised his discovery of Freedomland? Second, what measures did the Philippine government take as a reaction of Cloma's claim of discovery of an area already known in western cartography as the Spratlys? And third and most important, what is the nature of the link between the 1978 Kalayaan Islands Group‘s official claim and 1956 Cloma's private one?
