218. DOMESTIC POLITICS (PANEL II)
218.
Panel Title : DOMESTIC POLITICS (PANEL II)
Chair : Brian C J Shaw
Participant :
Cuarteros Gladstone A.
Paper Title : Breaking Local Monopolies of Power
Abstract :
Studies on local politics in the Philippines, similar with other countries is Southeast Asia, emphasize the enduring control of traditional local political elites. This, despite of the wave of decentralization that swept different countries in the last two decades, which should have opened more spaces and opportunities to allow for more new entrants in local politics. In this paper we contest the conclusion that nothing has changed in local politics. Perhaps traditional local political elites have controlled provincial capitols for a long time, but not all of them endure all the time. Some collapse. They lose elections and are disloged from their position of advantage. This paper will argue on the conditions underwhich new entrants in politics can break the monopoly of power by long established political families. What factors contributed to their success in contesting local power and conversely what hindering factors they have to face and surmount in order to win. On the part of the political elites, what did they do wrong and what did they missed? The paper is significant because it shows changes in the nature of local politics which hitherto may have been unnoticed. Secondly next year 2007 the Philippines will again hold its regular local elections.
Brian C J Shaw
Paper Title : Bhutan's constitutional reforms 1998-2008
Abstract :
Major opportunities for political change in this traditional society were foreseen from 1952, under Bhutan's third monarch. From 1998, Bhutan's fourth monarch, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, has moved the pace of scope and extent of these changes in the kingdom to higher levels. The culmination of the present stage of reforms will be in 2008 when a new constitution will be effected, the first nation-wide elections will be held for an elected parliament, a two-party parliament will be in place, and peoples' representatives will have ultimate responsibility for public policy and finance.This paper outlines the historical background for the extension of popular sovereignty, recounts the recent developments from 1998, and outlines likely scenarios for progress and setbacks in the further unfolding of popular sovereignty in the context of traditional decision-making and acceptance of hierarchical authority.Novel aspects of the country's constitution are reviewed in the context of these traditional political styles; possible conflicts and compromises on issues of relevance to Bhutan's neighbours are also examined.
Patrick Mceachern
Paper Title : North Korean Economic Reform: Myth or Reality?
Abstract :
Can Pyongyang's actions from July 2002 accurately becategorized as systematic economic reform? If so or if not, what is the significance of this finding? Drawing upon the post-communist transition literature, I compare the policy and institutional decisions in the DPRK to those of post-communist governments in Latin America, Central/Eastern Europe, and China. Has Pyongyang established and empowered a post-communist bureaucracy as judged by public support in the official media? Have prices, exchange rates, and trade flows changed since 2002? To what extent has Pyongyang shared components of these other economic reforms in demonstrable ways? I test empirically the theory that Pyongyang has undertaken a reform effort similar in approach to -- but more limited in scope than -- the above mentioned reform models. The independent variable is the 2002 economic reform with the dependent variables assigned to trade flows, food prices, exchange rates, and high-level rhetorical support or rejection of reform. I take trade data from partner states' official trade statistics, food prices and exchange rates from the Good Friends organization newsletters, and measure rhetorical support by counting the number and nature of official media accounts supportive of and hostile to reform. What insight does this provide about the nature of the North Korean "reform"? What does this level of commitment, if any, to reform portend for the political future of the regime based upon past experience in other post-communist states? Is the next generation of elites preparing to operate a different type of North Korean government?
Michael Connors
Paper Title : Cultural Surveillance and the Market Economy - Moral Politics and The State in
Thailand
Abstract :
This paper explores the role of the Thai Cultural Surveillance Centre, a unit within the Ministry of Culture, in creating monitoring networks to combat the influence of perceived western cultures of materialism, individualism, and consumerism. Radical critiques of neo-liberalism are common in Thailand, but little attention has been paid to how state-sponsored agencies have long expressed a concern with the marketization of social life. State culture agencies have often been portrayed as institutions that reproduce dominant ideologies of conservative nationalism. This paper explores this assumption by examining how the CSU critiques capitalism and intervenes in public life. In recent decades, agencies within the Thai state, under the influence of international development agencies, have become places where competing projects of social order have emerged. The CSU will be used as a case study to explore these developments.
Dominik Mierzejewski
Paper Title : The CCP-Business Relations before XVII Congress
Abstract :
Major problem of contemporary China is a huge income disparity between East coastal area and the rest of the country. In the consequences of Deng Xiaoping's reform a class structure of China changed and the leadership of PRC had to treat them with care. With rapid privatization of the state-own companies along with floating FDI middle-class organized several types of associations. Due to control this situation Jiang Zemin proclaimed a "three representation" theory (san ge daibiao). The new theory, criticized by the left-wing inside CCP, supported the businessmen and enabled them to join the Communist Party. In fact Jiang's group treated middle-class like royalty. This work presents the Chinese Communist Party approaches to the business-class. Moreover one of the most important aspect is settling of organizational pattern in Chinese and J.V., Ltd. Co. (with the party branch, a Communist Youth League branch and a trade union). This is important, especially before XVII Congress. Hu Jintao and other Chinese leaders faced old/new problems with the poorest regions in China (West and North-East China). The new Chinese government leaded by Wen Jiabao has frequently visited SARS infected areas, the poorest regions or mining areas. Contrary to the previous Chinese government (rather cosmopolitan group), this seems to be more populist. Before XVIII Congress the Hu-Wen would seek public support and legitimization in creating theories like "hexie shehui", "xiaokang shehui" or even Maoist-like campaign as "fan fubai" or "bao xian"
Heike Hermanns
Paper Title : Online Politics in East Asia: A Comparison of Online Political Activity in China,
Japan and South Korea
Abstract :
With the rise of the internet over the last decade, its growing impact on politics has also been noted. The internet bas become a political tool beyond e-voting, it is used for campaigning, discussion and organisation, not only by established actors such as political parties but increasingly also by civil society groups and individual citizens. New technology also opened new spaces for people to voice their opinions and to connect with other, like-minded people for a common purpose. This opened the political sphere for an ever-increasing number of potential participants, especially among the younger generations who are generally less likely to engage with politics. These developments have been particularly noteworthy in East Asia, where internet use is more widespread and far reaching than in many western countries. Within the region, however, a number of differences can be found. While the internet plays an important role in Korean politics and in particular election outcomes, its impact in Japan far less noticeable. In China, in contrast, the internet has opened new spaces for expression and activity that could be expected from a one-party state. The political system thus does not seem to be the only factor influencing the emergence of online politics. Cost, mode of internet access (PC or mobile), culture of discourse, social traits and the access and diversity of information are all factors in the development of lively online politics. A number of examples from the three countries will be presented to illustrate this. This paper looks at the similarities and differences in the use of the internet for political purposes in the three countries and aims at finding explanations for the divergence in the trajectories of online politics. The findings from the regional comparison open the way for comparative studies with other countries and regions. This in turn can inform the discussion on the effect of the internet on politics and our understanding of democracy in general.
