International Convention of Asia Scholars (ICAS)

213.

Panel Title            : CHINA'S FOREIGN RELATIONS 1950 TILL PRESENT (PANEL I)

Chair                      : Enyu Zhang       

Participant           :

Pok Marcus Chu

Paper Title            : China and Its Two Dementions of Power in International Organizations

Abstract                :

Abstract This paper aims to assess the power that China practiced in the international organizations from the Twenty-First Century. The theory of two dimensions of power will be applied to argue that the current success of China in various international organizations' contests reflect that China has attained greater power in the processes of both overt decision-making competitions and covert non-decision-making influences of international organizations. Two cases will be studied including 1) Beijing prevailed to be the host city of the 2008 Olympic game; and 2) Dr Margaret Chan of China is elected to be the new director-general of the World Health Organization on 9th November 2006. From the reviews of official documents and second-hand data, the author will analyze that how China has been two-dimensionally intensifying his power in the international organizations from the Twenty-First Century. 

Marloes W.A (Maaike) Heijmans

Paper Title            : Japan's economic diplomacy towards China, 1997-2006: The Iimpact of State-

  Relations and Collective Memory

Abstract                :

Japan's economic diplomacy towards China, 1997-2006: the impact of state relations and collective memory Accounts of contemporary political economic relations between Japan and China generally make vast assumptions about the impact of history on relations between the two countries. Few would dispute, for example, that Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine or the Chinese government's criticism of Japanese history textbooks influence bilateral political and economic relations. However, little substantive research is undertaken on how collective memory actually influences policy and policy formulation. Accordingly, assumptions are often made deductively. This paper suggests that there is a need to assess and understand the interrelatedness of state relations and the legacy of war and colonial dominance through empirical investigation in concrete historical settings. It attempts to contribute to this field by analyzing Japan's economic diplomacy towards China in regard to developments in intergovernmental relations and notions and expressions of collective memory between 1997-2006. The period of 1997-2006 is of particular interest in view of Japan's attempts to refocus its economic diplomacy in the region at a time when China is on certain accounts challenging Japan's regional leadership in the economic field. The central hypothesis is that trade relations between Japan and China remain relatively stable even when issues of collective memory crop up, while political relations and official ties between the two countries are markedly negatively affected. The role of Japanese economic and political interest groups is perceived to be of great importance in this respect. Economic diplomacy is broadly defined as diplomacy concerned with economic policy questions. The economic policy questions under research here are trade facilitation and assistance and Official Development Assistance (ODA), both implemented by the government but profoundly influenced by domestic interest groups. Economic diplomacy is undertaken by the state and other actors and aims to improve the well-being of citizens domestically as well as in the international environment. Policies on trade and ODA can thus not be understood separate from one another. Following Putnam's two-level game theory, policy formation of economic diplomacy is analyzed within the national as well as the international context. That is, the influence of domestic interest groups on the Japanese government's policy formulation and the final outcomes of bilateral negotiations are reviewed. The study focuses on bilateral trade negotiations in industries in which the stakes are highest for the Japanese government. That is, the industries in which trade between Japan and China is largest and which the Japanese government has recognized to be of strategic interest. Government policy and the influence of domestic politicians (individuals as well as collectives such as the Japan-China Trade Promotion Diet      

Enyu Zhang

Paper Title            : A Bureaucratic Politics Model of China's Decisions in the Taiwan Strait Crises:   

   From Individual Supremacy to Institutionalized Decision-Making

Abstract                :

Beijing's major foreign policy decisions are usually seen as decisions of the individual leader(s) at the apex of China's political hierarchy. Their idiosyncrasies and personal policy preferences often determine the course of Chinese foreign policy behavior.  While this was particularly true in Mao Zedong's era, individual supremacy in foreign policy decision making has been significantly downplayed since the 1990s.   In the mean time, Chinese foreign policy making has been gradually institutionalized, most notably, with the growing prominence of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the People's Liberation Army (PLA).   It represents one of the fundamental transformations of Chinese foreign policy.  However, few studies are devoted to this dynamic change.Aiming to fill this gap, the paper offers a comparative analysis of China 's decision making in the four Taiwan Strait Crises in 1954, 1958, 1962 and 1995, respectively, based on the bureaucratic politics model.  While the party-state is largely intact and remains in control, the paper argues that the distinctive identities and interests of the bureaucratic organs, including the MFA and the PLA, have evolved over the decades to the extent that supreme leaders can no longer dominate foreign policy decision making.  In concrete terms, it demonstrates the process of institutionalization and analyzes its implications.  This important transformation allows for greater predicability of Chinese foreign policy behavior.  It also facilitates China's image building in the international community to be a responsible stakeholder. Beijing's major foreign policy decisions are usually seen as decisions of the individual leader(s) at the apex of China's political hierarchy.   Their idiosyncrasies and personal policy preferences often determine the course of Chinese foreign policy behavior.  While this was particularly true in Mao Zedong's era, individual supremacy in foreign policy decision making has been significantly downplayed since the 1990s.   In the mean time, Chinese foreign policy making has been gradually institutionalized, most notably, with the growing prominence of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the People's Liberation Army (PLA).   It represents one of the fundamental transformations of Chinese foreign policy.  However, few studies are devoted to this dynamic change. Aiming to fill this gap, the paper offers a comparative analysis of China 's decision making in the four Taiwan Strait Crises in 1954, 1958, 1962 and 1995, respectively, based on the bureaucratic politics model.  While the party-state is largely intact and remains in control, the paper argues that the distinctive identities and interests of the bureaucratic organs, including the MFA and the PLA, have evolved over the decades to the extent that supreme leaders can no longer dominate foreign policy decision making.  In concrete terms, it demonstrates the process of institutionalization and analyzes its implications.  This important transformation allows for greater predicability of Chinese foreign policy behavior.  It also facilitates China's image building in the international community to be a responsible stakeholder.